Events at Agape admin on 24 May 2006
CONDOLEEZZA RICE AT BC GRADUATION MAY 2006
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An address by Fr. David Gill SJ, Classics Department, Boston College, pastor at St. Mary of the Angels Church in Roxbury and Chaplain to the Agape Community, Hardwick, MA.
This year’s graduation season at BC has been livelier than usual. The In his presentation at the annual faculty lunch Father Leahy explained that:
Others who support honoring Secretary Rice offer a variety of arguments-some
But the 800 lb. Gorilla is already in the room and I really do not feel that |
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In an influential article prior to the 2000 elections, “Campaign 2000:
Promoting the National Interest,” Foreign Affairs, Jan/Feb 2000, Secretary
Rice laid out her vision for US foreign policy, a vision which helped her
win the position and title of “architect of US foreign policy.” In her
conclusion she says that “[America’s] national interest has been [and should
continue to be] defined . . . by a desire to foster the spread of freedom,
prosperity, and peace . . . not from the interests of an illusory
international community. America can exercise power without arrogance . . .
When it does so in concert with those who share its core values, the world
becomes more prosperous, democratic, and peaceful.”
What is good for
America, it seems, is good for the whole world–and vice versa.
One piece toward the realization of this vision, she thought-even before
9/11– was the removal of Saddam Hussein, since “his people live in poverty
and terror, and he has no useful place in international politics. He is
therefore determined to develop WMD. Nothing will change until Saddam is
gone, so the United States must mobilize whatever resources it can,
including support from his opposition, to remove him.”
Thus, it is not really possible to separate Secretary Rice’s power,
prestige and service from the way in which that power, prestige and service
have been used in pursuit of her vision. It would be unfair not to judge
her-at least in some considerable part–in terms of US Iraq policy. As she
herself says, “power matters” in foreign affairs. And for our part as
responsible citizens, the more power a person has-especially in a
democracy-the more carefully we should scrutinize its use. We are all to
some extent accountable for and implicated in what the government does in
our name. It would be irresponsible not to question it at every turn.
So what about Iraq policy-and specifically the ongoing war there? Much of
the debate on campus has been focused on it. Let me try to summarize briefly
what I think have been three main tendencies in the debate.
- One view–presently shared by only about 30% of Americans according to
the latest polls–is that the war was, and still is, ultimately a good idea.
It agrees that, as Secretary Rice argued in 2000, Saddam had to be “removed”
in the interest of peace, prosperity, and freedom for Iraqis, Americans, and
the Middle East as a whole. Admittedly the task has proven to be more
difficult than expected, and “perhaps thousands of tactical mistakes” have
been made, but we need to see it through. As Colin Powell once said–citing
a sign he once saw in a pottery shop, “You break it, you own it.” Things may
not have gone as planned, but it would be morally irresponsible simply to
walk away from the tangle that Iraq still remains. Almost no one is wholly
uncritical of the Iraq effort, but her supporters say that Secretary Rice’s
part in it is not sufficient grounds-given her other accomplishments–for
refusing her an honorary degree: “She’s not a monster, after all,” said one
faculty supporter. Demonizing her does no good. Besides it is not fair.
Final judgment will depend on whether in the end the world is a more
peaceful place, its poor are less desperate, and its oppressed people are
freer because of her policies. - Another view, rarer by far than the first and–in the interests of full
disclosure– my own personal position, is that of Christian nonviolence, the
lived conviction that any resort to violence is a bad idea. “Moved by the
example of Jesus’ life and by his teaching, some Christians have from the
earliest days of the Church committed themselves to a nonviolent lifestyle”
(Challenge of Peace, 111). In this view, all life is sacred and no killing
of one human being by another is ever justified: from unborn fetus to
terminally ill old folks to convicted murderers-the seamless garment
argument, the tradition of Jesus, Francis of Assisi, Mahatma Gandhi, Dorothy
Day, MLK, the Quakers, the Menonites-and their followers today. (You may
meet some of these folks around the edges of campus tomorrow, praying and
fasting for peace.) - Thirdly, the main thread of Catholic tradition has long held that some
wars can be justifiable, even necessary, in self-defense and to protect
innocent life. The rules for wars of this kind are called “just” or
“limited” war theory. The theory has much in common with secular ethical
thinking, international law, and just plain common sense. US policy is based
on it, we claim. In their 1983 letter on the subject, The Challenge of
Peace (80), the US Catholic bishops put it this way: “We should do no harm
to our neighbors; how we treat our enemy is the key test of whether we love
our neighbor; and the possibility of taking even one human life is a
prospect we should consider in fear and trembling . . . . . [But] faced with
the fact of attack on the innocent, the presumption that we do no harm, even
to our enemy, yielded to the command of love understood as the need to
restrain an enemy who would injure the innocent . . . . ‘As long as the
danger of war persists and there is no international authority with the
necessary competence and power, governments cannot be denied the right of
lawful self-defense, once all peace efforts have failed’[my emphasis]
(Vatican II, Pastoral Constitution, 79).”
The “rules” for a just war provide a handy template against which to judge
any war. Those who object to the Iraq war on Catholic and other moral
terms-and to honoring Secretary Rice for her large role in it–do so because
they believe that in initiating and executing the war the US has violated
one or more of these rules. The rules and some of the questions they
raise-questions for which our government has not always found satisfactory
answers:
- Just Cause: war may be waged only to confront “a real and certain danger”
(86). Questions: Where did the claim of Iraq’s WMD and al-Qaida connections
come from-not to mention the specter of the “mushroom cloud?” And what has
become of these claims in the meantime? - Last Resort: “all peaceful alternatives must have been exhausted” (96).
Question: Was there really no other way to deal with Saddam than by all out
war? Weren’t we on his side at one time (vs. Iran)? What went wrong? - Competent Authority: the question of “whether or not a president of the US
has acted constitutionally and legally in involving our country in a de
facto war, even if-indeed, especially if-war was never formally declared”
(87). Questions: Like Last Resort, this raises the issue of the role of the
UN and other international bodies–did we do all we could to involve
them? -and the complicity of Congress and a great majority of American
citizens in 2003. - Comparative Justice: “do the rights and values involved justify killing”
(92)? Questions: Is it ever an issue of pure good against pure evil, as we
have so often been told? How many deaths does it take before it is no longer
“worth it?” 2400+ US so far and estimates of between 30,000 (GWB “thinks he
heard somewhere”) and 100,000 Iraqis (Lancet). Hard to say since “we don’t
do body counts” and we don’t like to show photographs of flag-draped
coffins. - Probability of Success: This rule aims “to prevent irrational resort to
force or hopeless resistance when the outcome of either will clearly be
disproportionate or futile” (98). Question: Does anyone still remember the
sunny predictions that our troops would be showered with flowers as they
entered Baghdad as liberators. What happened? The debate of the troop levels
that would be necessary to win the war belongs here too. - Proportionality asks: Is the good expected proportionate to the damage
inflicted and the costs incurred (99)? Questions: What about the devastation
to Iraq’s infrastructure, water supply, health care system, schools, and
natural resources, as well as the billions of dollars already spent on the
war-with no end in sight. And the issue of whether we are more “secure”
today than we were before the war? - Plunder: Wars waged merely for acquiring more territory or natural
resources or loot–or purely out of revenge–have no justification at all.
Question: Is this why we hear so little about OIL as a reason for fighting?
Is that what is really meant by formulas such as: “a stable Middle East is a
security priority for the US?” - Discrimination: prohibits directly intended attacks on noncombatants and
non-military targets (101). This includes proper treatment of prisoners of
war. Question: What are we to make of all the questions about-and the
government’s justification of–the use of torture and lack of due process
for detainees? (GLOBE 5/20).
These are all hard but valid questions, I believe. And honest people can
differ on the answers-when and if it is possible to get answers. Still, we
as responsible, well educated citizens need to keep asking them and weighing
the answers and acting on our judgment of the plausibility of the answers.
Tomorrow at the Graduation Ceremony there will be polite gestures of protest
including armbands and other symbols. At the moment of the awarding of the
honorary degree some faculty members and students will stand and turn their
backs to show their disapproval of BC’s honoring Secretary Rice. During her
speech they will face her and listen, in order to signify that they do
respect her right to present her opinions. Some will hold small signs.
Others may walk out.
I hope that all of this will not interfere too much with your having a
joyous and well deserved celebration of all that you have achieved in your
four years at BC and that 50 years hence you will love BC-warts and all-as
much as I as a newly minted Golden Eagle still do.
On the other hand, I also hope that these reflections will have been helpful
and that you will go away from this lovely place with finely honed habits of
critical thinking and principled, passionate action about the great issues
of your time. Be informed. Be respectful of other opinions. Don’t assume
that people who disagree with you are either evil or just plain stupid. On
the other hand, don’t believe everything you hear from those in
power-especially when there is a war on–. And don’t buy everything that our
culture insists that you really must have in order to be cool. Like it or
not, for good or ill, we are all implicated in the project of America in the
world.
Thanks for listening. Go, Excel!